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The Talented Tenth
By W.E.B. DuBois
The Negro race, like all races, is going to be saved by its exceptional men.
The problem of education, then, among Negroes must first of all deal with the
Talented Tenth; it is the problem of developing the Best of this race that
they may guide the Mass away from the contamination and death of the Worst,
in their own and other races. Now the training of men is a difficult and intricate
task. Its technique is a matter for educational experts, but its object is
for the vision of seers. If we make money the object of man-training, we shall
develop money-makers but not necessarily men; if we make technical skill the
object of education, we may possess artisans but not, in nature, men. Men we
shall have only as we make manhood the object of the work of the schools — intelligence,
broad sympathy, knowledge of the world that was and is, and of the relation
of men to it — this is the curriculum of that Higher Education which
must underlie true life. On this foundation we may build bread winning, skill
of hand and quickness of brain, with never a fear lest the child and man mistake
the means of living for the object of life.
If this be true — and who can deny it — three tasks lay before
me; first to show from the past that the Talented Tenth as they have risen
among American Negroes have been worthy of leadership; secondly to show how
these men may be educated and developed; and thirdly to show their relation
to the Negro problem.
You misjudge us because you do not know us. From the very first it has been
the educated and intelligent of the Negro people that have led and elevated
the mass, and the sole obstacles that nullified and retarded their efforts
were slavery and race prejudice; for what is slavery but the legalized survival
of the unfit and the nullification of the work of natural internal leadership?
Negro leadership therefore sought from the first to rid the race of this awful
incubus that it might make way for natural selectionand the survival of the
fittest. In colonial days came Phillis Wheatley andPaul Cuffe striving against
the bars of prejudice; and Benjamin Banneker, the almanac maker, voiced their
longings when he said to ThomasJefferson, "I freely and cheerfully acknowledge
that I am of the African race and in colour which is natural to them, of the
deepest dye; and it is under a sense of the most profound gratitude to the
Supreme Ruler of the Universe, that I now confess to you that I am not under
that state of tyrannical thraldom and inhuman captivity to which too many of
my brethren are doomed, but that I have abundantly tasted of the fruition of
those blessings which proceed from that free and unequalled liberty with which
you are favored, and which I hope you will willingly allow, you have mercifully
received from the immediate hand of that Being from whom proceedeth every good
and perfect gift.
"Suffer me to recall to your mind that time, in which the arms of the
British crown were exerted with every powerful effort, in order to reduce you
to a state of servitude; look back, I entreat you, on the variety of dangers
to which you were exposed; reflect on that period in which every human aid
appeared unavailable, and in which even hope and fortitude wore the aspect
of inability to the conflict, and you cannot but be led to a serious and grateful
sense of your miraculous and providential preservation, you cannot but acknowledge,
that the present freedom and tranquility which you enjoy, you have mercifully
received, and that a peculiar blessing of heaven.
"This, sir, was a time when you clearly saw into the injustice of a state
of Slavery, and in which you had just apprehensions of the horrors of its condition.
It was then that your abhorrence thereof was so excited, that you publicly
held forth this true and invaluable doctrine, which is worthy to be recorded
and remembered in all succeeding ages: ’We hold these truths to be self
evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed with certain
inalienable rights, and that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness.’"
Then came Dr. James Derham, who could tell even the learned Dr. Rush something
of medicine, and Lemuel Haynes, to whom Middlebury College gave an honorary
A. M. in 1804. These and others we may call the Revolutionary group of distinguished
Negroes - they were persons of marked ability, leaders of a Talented Tenth,
standing conspicuously among the best of their time. They strove by word and
deed to save the color line from becoming the line between the bond and free,
but all they could do was nullified by Eli Whitney and the Curse of Gold. So
they passed into forgetfulness.
But their spirit did not wholly die; here and there in the early part of the
century came other exceptional men. Some were natural sons of unnatural fathers
and were given often a liberal training and thus a race of educated mulattoes
sprang up to plead for black men’s rights.There was Ira Aldridge, whom
all Europe loved to honor; there was that Voice crying in the Wilderness, David
Walker, and saying:
"I declare it does appear to me as though some nations think God is asleep,
or that he made the Africans for nothing else but to dig their mines and work
their farms, or they cannot believe history sacred or profane. I ask every
man who has a heart, and is blessed with the privilege of believing — Is
not God a God of justice to all his creatures? Do you say he is? Then if he
gives peace and tranquility to tyrants and permits them to keep our fathers,
our mothers, ourselves and our children in eternal ignorance and wretchedness
to support them and their families, would he be to us a God of Justice? I ask,
O, ye Christians, who hold us and our children in the most abject ignorance
and degradation that ever a people were afflicted with since the world began — I
say if God gives you peace and tranquility, and suffers you thus to go on afflicting
us, and our children, who have never given you the least provocation - would
He be to us a God of Justice? If you will allow that we are men, who feel for
each other, does not the blood of our fathers and of us, their children, cry
aloud to theLord of Sabaoth against you for the cruelties and murders with
which you have and do continue to afflict us?"
This was the wild voice that first aroused Southern legislators in 1829 to
the terrors of abolitionism.
In 1831 there met that first Negro convention in Philadelphia, at which the
world gaped curiously but which bravely attacked the problems of race and slavery,
crying out against persecution and declaring that "Laws as cruel in themselves
as they were unconstitutional and unjust, have in many places been enacted
against our poor, unfriended and unoffending brethren (without a shadow of
provocation on our part), at whose bare recital the very savage draws himself
up for fear of contagion — looks noble and prides himself because he
bears not tile name of Christian." Side by side this free Negro movement,
and the movement for abolition, strove until they merged in to one strong stream.
Too little notice has been taken of the work which the Talented Tenth among
Negroes took in the great abolition crusade. From the very day that a Philadelphia
colored man became tile first subscriber to Garrison’s "Liberator," to
the day when Negro soldiers made the Emancipation Proclamation possible, black
leaders worked shoulder to shoulder with white men in a movement, the success
of which would have been impossible without them. There was Purvis and Remond,
Pennington and Highland Garnett, Sojourner Truth and Alexander Crummel, and
above, Frederick Douglass — what would the abolition movement have been
without them? They stood as living examples of the possibilities of the Negro
race, their own hard experiences and well wrought culture said silently more
than all the drawn periods of orators — they were the men who made American
slavery impossible. As Maria Weston Chapman said, from the school of anti-slavery
agitation, "a throng of authors, editors, lawyers, orators and accomplished
gentlemen of color have taken their degree! It has equally implanted hopes
and aspirations, noble thoughts, and sublime purposes, in the hearts of both
races. It has prepared the white man for the freedom of the black man, and
it has made the black man scorn the thought of enslavement, as does a white
man, as far as its influence has extended. Strengthen that noble influence!
Before its organization, the country only saw here and there in slavery some
faithful Cudjoe or Dinah, whose strong natures blossomed even in bondage, like
a fine plant beneath a heavy stone. Now, under the elevating and cherishing
influence of the American Anti-slavery Society, the colored race, like the
white, furnishes Corinthian capitals for the noblest temples."
Where were these black abolitionists trained? Some, like Frederick Douglass,
were self-trained, but yet trained liberally; others, like Alexander Crummell
and McCune Smith, graduated from famous foreign universities. Most of them
rose up through the colored schools of New York and Philadelphia and Boston,
taught by college-bred men like Russworm, of Dartmouth, and college-bred white
men like Neau and Benezet.
After emancipation came a new group of educated and giftedleaders: Langston,
Bruce and Elliot, Greener, Williams and Payne. Through political organization,
historical and polemic writing and moral regeneration, these men strove to
uplift their people. It is the fashion of to-day to sneer at them and to say
that with freedom Negro leadership should have begun at the plow and not in
the Senate — a foolish and mischievous lie; two hundred and fifty years
that black serf toiled at the plow and yet that toiling was in vain till the
Senate passed the war amendments; and two hundred and fifty years more the
half-free serf of to-day may toil at his plow, but unless he have political
rights and righteously guarded civic status, he will still remain the poverty-stricken
and ignorant plaything of rascals, that he now is. This all sane men know even
if they dare not say it.
And so we come to the present — a day of cowardice and vacillation,
of strident wide-voiced wrong and faint hearted compromise; of double-faced
dallying with Truth and Right. Who are to-day guiding the work of the Negro
people? The "exceptions" of course. And yet so sure as this Talented
Tenth is pointed out, the blind worshippers of the Average cry out in alarm: "These
are exceptions, look here at death, disease and crime — these are the
happy rule." Of course they are the rule, because a silly nation made
them the rule: Because for three long centuries this people lynched Negroes
who dared to be brave, raped black women who dared to be virtuous, crushed
dark-hued youth who dared to be ambitious, and encouraged and made to flourish
servility and lewdness and apathy. But nor even this was able to crush all
manhood and chastity and aspiration from black folk. A saving remnant continually
survives and persists, continually aspires, continually shows itself in thrift
and ability and character. Exceptional it is to be sure, but this is its chiefest
promise; it shows the capability of Negro blood, the promise of black men.
Do Americans ever stop to reflect that there are in this land a million men
of Negro blood, well-educated, owners of homes, against the honor of whose
womanhood no breath was ever raised, whose men occupy positions of trust and
usefulness, and who, judged by any standard, have reached the full measure
of the best type of modern European culture? Is it fair, is it decent, is it
Christian to ignore these facts of the Negro problem, to belittle such aspiration,
to nullify such leadership and seek to crush these people back into the mass
out of which by toil and travail, they and their fathers have raised themselves?
Can the masses of the Negro people be in any possible way more quickly raised
than by the effort and example of this aristocracy of talent and character?
Was there ever a nation on God’s fair earth civilized from the bottom
upward? Never; it is, ever was and ever will be from the top downward that
culture filters. The Talented Tenth rises and pulls all that are worth the
saving up to their vantage ground. This is the history of human progress; and
the two historic mistakes which have hindered that progress were the thinking
first that no more could ever rise save the few already risen; or second, that
it would better the uprisen to pull the risen down.
How then shall the leaders of a struggling people be trained and the hands
of the risen few strengthened? There can be but one answer: The best and most
capable of their youth must be schooled in the colleges and universities of
the land. We will not quarrel as to just what the university of the Negro should
teach or how it should teach it — I willingly admit that each soul and
each race-soul needs its own peculiar curriculum. But this is true: A university
is a human invention for the transmission of knowledge and culture from generation
to generation, through the training of quick minds and pure hearts, and for
this work no other human invention will suffice, not even trade and industrial
schools.
All men cannot go to college but some men must; every isolated group or nation
must have its yeast, must have for the talented few centers of training where
men are not so mystified and befuddled by the hard and necessary toil of earning
a living, as to have no aims higher than their bellies, and no God greater
than Gold. This is true training, and thus in the beginning were the favored
sons of the freedmen trained. Out of tile colleges of the North came, after
the blood of war, Ware, Cravath, Chase, Andrews, Bumstead and Spence to build
the foundations of knowledge and civilization in the black South. Where ought
they to have begun to build? At the bottom, of course, quibbles the mole with
his eyes in the earth. Aye! truly at the bottom, at the very bottom; at the
bottom of knowledge, down in the very depths of knowledge there where the roots
of justice strike into the lowest soil of Truth. And so they did begin; they
founded colleges, and up from the colleges shot normal schools, and out from
the normal schools went teachers, and around the normal teachers clustered
other teachers to teach the public schools; the college trained in Greek and
Latin and mathematics, 2,000 men; and these men trained full 50,000 others
in morals and manners, and they in turn taught thrift and the alphabet to nine
millions of men, who to-day hold $300,000,000 of property. It was a miracle
- the most wonderful peace-battle of the 19th century, and yet to-day men smile
at it, and in fine superiority tell us that it was all a strange mistake; that
a proper way to found a system of education is first to gather the children
and buy them spelling books and hoes; afterward men may look about for teachers,
if haply they may find them; or again they would teach men Work, but as for
Life — why, what has Work to do with Life, they ask vacantly.
Was the work of these college founders successful; did it stand the test of
time? Did the college graduates, with all their fine theories of life, really
live? Are they useful men helping to civilize and elevate their less fortunate
fellows? Let us see. Omitting all institutions which have not actually graduated
students from a college course, there are to-day in the United States thirty-four
institutions giving something above high school training to Negroes and designed
especially for this race.
Three of these were established in border States before the War; thirteen
were planted by the Freedmen’s Bureau in the years 1864-1869; nine were
established between 1870 and 1880 by various church bodies; five were established
after 1881 by Negro churches, and four are state institutions supported by
United States’ agricultural funds. In most cases the college departments
are small adjuncts to high and common schoolwork. As a matter of fact six institutions — Atlanta,
Fisk, Howard, Shaw, Wilberforce and Leland, are the important Negro colleges
so far as actual work and number of students are concerned. In all these institutions,
seven hundred and fifty Negro college students are enrolled. In grade the best
of these colleges are about a year behind the smaller New England colleges
and a typical curriculum is that of Atlanta University. Here students from
the grammar grades, after a three years’ high school course, take a college
course of 136 weeks. One-fourth of this time is given to Latin and Greek; one-fifth,
to English and modern languages; one-sixth, to history and social science;
one-seventh, to natural science; one-eighth to mathematics, and one-eighth
to philosophy and pedagogy.
In addition to these students in the South, Negroes have attended Northern
colleges for many years. As early as 1826 one was graduated from Bowdoin College,
and from that time till to-day nearly every year has seen elsewhere, other
such graduates. They have, of course, met much color prejudice. Fifty years
ago very few colleges would admit them at all. Even to-day no Negro has ever
been admitted to Princeton, and at some other leading institutions they are
rather endured than encouraged. Oberlin was the great pioneer in tile work
of blotting out the color line in colleges, and has more Negro graduates by
far than any other Northern college.
The total number of Negro college graduates up to 1899, (several of the graduates
of that year not being reported), was as follows: Negro White Colleges Colleges
Before ’76 137 75 ’75-80 143 22 ’80-85 250 31 ’85-90
413 43 ’90-95 465 66 ’95-99 475 88 Class Unknown 57 64 --------------------------------------------
Total 1,914 390
Of these graduates 2,079 were men and 252 were women; 50 percent. of Northern-born
college men come South to work among the masses of their people, at a sacrifice
which few people realize; nearly 90 per cent. of the Southern-born graduates
instead of seeking that personal freedom and broader intellectual atmosphere
which their training has led them, in some degree, to conceive, stay and labor
and wait in the midst of their black neighbors and relatives.
The most interesting question, and in many respects the crucial question,
to be asked concerning college-bred Negroes, is: Do they earn a living? It
has been intimated more than once that the higher training of Negroes has resulted
in sending into the world of work, men who could find nothing to do suitable
to their talents. Now and then there comes a rumor of a colored college man
working at menial service, etc. Fortunately, returns as to occupations of college-bred
Negroes, gathered by the Atlanta conference, are quite full — nearly
sixty per cent. of the total number of graduates.
This enables us to reach fairly certain conclusions as to the occupations
of all college-bred Negroes. Of 1,312 persons reported, there were: Teachers,
53.4% Clergymen, 16.8% Physicians, etc., 6.3% Students, 5.6% Lawyers, 4.7%
In Govt. Service, 4.0% In Business, 3.6% Farmers and Artisans, 2.7% Editors,
Secretaries and Clerks, 2.4% Miscellaneous, .5
Over half are teachers, a sixth are preachers, another sixth are students
and professional men; over 6 per cent. are farmers, artisans and merchants,
and 4 per cent. are in government service. In detail the occupations are as
follows: Occupations of College-Bred Men. 701 Teachers: Presidents and Deans,
19 Teacher of Music, 7 Professors, Principals and Teachers, 675 221 Clergymen:
Bishop, 1 Chaplains U. S. Army, 2 Missionaries, 9 Presiding Elders, 12 Preachers,
197 83 Physicians: Doctors of Medicine, 76 Druggists, 4 Dentists, 3 74 Students
62 Lawyers 53 in Civil Service: U. S. Minister Plenipotentiary, 1 U. S. Consul,
1 U. S. Deputy Collector, 1 U. S. Gauger, 1 U. S. Postmasters, 2 U. S. Clerks,
44 State Civil Service, 2 City Civil Service, 1 47 Business Men: Merchants,
etc., 30 Managers, 13 Real Estate Dealers, 4 26 Farmers 22 Clerks and Secretaries:
Secretary of National Societies, 7 Clerks, etc., 15 9 Artisans 9 Editors 5
Miscellaneous
These figures illustrate vividly the function of the college-bred Negro. He
is, as he ought to be, the group leader, the man who sets the ideals of the
community where he lives, directs its thoughts and heads its social movements.
It need hardly be argued that the Negro people need social leadership more
than most groups; that they have no traditions to fall back upon, no long established
customs, no strong family ties, no well defined social classes. All these things
must be slowly and painfully evolved. The preacher was, even before the war,
the group leader of the Negroes, and the church their greatest social institution.
Naturally this preacher was ignorant and often immoral, and the problem of
replacing the older type by better educated men has been a difficult one. Both
by direct work and by direct influence on other preachers, and on congregations,
the college-bred preacher has an opportunity for reformatory work and moral
inspiration, the value of which cannot be overestimated.
It has, however, been in the furnishing of teachers that the Negro college
has found its peculiar function. Few persons realize how vast a work, how mighty
a revolution has been thus accomplished. To furnish five millions and more
of ignorant people with teachers of their own race and blood, in one generation,
was not only a very difficult undertaking, but very important one, in that,
it placed before the eyes of almost every Negro child an attainable ideal.
It brought the masses of the blacks in contact with modern civilization, made
black men the leaders of their communities and trainers of the new generation.
In this work college-bred Negroes were first teachers, and then teachers of
teachers. And here it is that the broad culture of college work has been of
peculiar value. Knowledge of life and its wider meaning, has been the point
of the Negro’s deepest ignorance, and the sending out of teachers whose
training has not been simply for bread winning, but also for human culture,
has been of inestimable value in the training of these men.
In earlier years the two occupations of preacher and teacher were practically
the only ones open to the black college graduate. Of later years a larger diversity
of life among his people, has opened new avenues of employment. Nor have these
college men been paupers and spendthrifts; 557 college-bred Negroes owned in
1899, $1,342,862.50 worth of real estate (assessed value), or $2,411 per family.
The real value of the total accumulations of the whole group is perhaps about
$10,000,000, or $5,000 a piece. Pitiful is it not beside the fortunes of oil
kings and steel trusts, but after all is the fortune of the millionaire the
only stamp of true and successful living? Alas! it is, with many and there’s
the rub.
The problem of training the Negro is to-day immensely complicated by the fact
that the whole question of the efficiency and appropriateness of our present
systems of education, for any kind of child, is a matter of active debate,
in which final settlement seems still afar off. Consequently it often happens
that persons arguing for or against certain systems of education for Negroes,
have these controversies in mind and miss the real question at issue. The main
question, so far as the Southern Negro is concerned, is: What under the present
circumstance, must a system of education do in order to raise the Negro as
quickly as possible in the scale of civilization? The answer to this question
seems to me clear: It must strengthen the Negro’s character, increase
his knowledge and teach him to earn a living. Now it goes without saying that
it is hard to do all these things simultaneously or suddenly and that at the
same time it will not do to give all the attention to one and neglect the others;
we could give black boys trades, but that alone will not civilize a race of
ex-slaves; we might simply increase their knowledge of the world, but this
would not necessarily make them wish to use this knowledge honestly; we might
seek to strengthen character and purpose, but to what end if this people have
nothing to eat or to wear? A system of education is not one thing, nor does
it have a single definite object, nor is it a mere matter of schools. Education
is that whole system of human training within and without the school house
walls, which molds and develops men. If then we start out to train an ignorant
and unskilled people with a heritage of bad habits, our system of training
must set before itself two great aims — the one dealing with knowledge
and character, the other part seeking to give the child the technical knowledge
necessary for him to earn a living under the present circumstances. These objects
are accomplished in part by the opening of the common schools on the one, and
of the industrial schools on the other. But only in part, for there must also
be trained those who are to teach these schools — men and women of knowledge
and culture and technical skill who understand modern civilization, and have
the training and aptitude to impart it to the children under them. There must
be teachers, and teachers of teachers, and to attempt to establish any sort
of a system of common and industrial school training, without first (and I
say first advisedly) without first providing for the higher training of the
very best teachers, is simply throwing your money to the winds. School houses
do not teach themselves - piles of brick and mortar and machinery do not send
out men. It is the trained, living human soul, cultivated and strengthened
by long study and thought, that breathes the real breath of life into boys
and girls and makes them human, whether they be black or white, Greek, Russian
or American. Nothing, in these latter days, has so dampened the faith of thinking
Negroes in recent educational movements, as the fact that such movements have
been accompanied by ridicule and denouncement and decrying of those very institutions
of higher training which made the Negro public school possible, and make Negro
industrial schools thinkable. It was: Fisk, Atlanta, Howard and Straight, those
colleges born of the faith and sacrifice of the abolitionists, that placed
in the black schools of the South the 30,000 teachers and more, which some,
who depreciate the work of these higher schools, are using to teach their own
new experiments. If Hampton, Tuskegee and the hundred other industrial schools
prove in the future to be as successful as they deserve to be, then their success
in training black artisans for the South, will be due primarily to the white
colleges of the North and the black colleges of the South, which trained the
teachers who to-day conduct these institutions. There was a time when the American
people believed pretty devoutly that a log of wood with a boyat one end and
Mark Hopkins at the other, represented the highest ideal of human training.
But in these eager days it would seem that we have changed all that and think
it necessary to add a couple of saw-mills and a hammer to this outfit, and,
at a pinch, to dispense with the services of Mark Hopkins.
I would not deny, or for a moment seem to deny, the paramount necessity of
teaching the Negro to work, and to work steadily and skillfully; or seem to
depreciate in the slightest degree the important part industrial schools must
play in the accomplishment of these ends, but I do say, and insist upon it,
that it is industrialism drunk with its vision of success, to imagine that
its own work can be accomplished without providing for the training of broadly
cultured men and women to teach its own teachers, and to teach the teachers
of the public schools.
But I have already said that human education is not simply a matter of schools;
it is much more a matter of family and group life - the training of one’s
home, of one’s daily companions, of one’s social class. Now the
black boy of the South moves in a black world - a world with its own leaders,
its own thoughts, its own ideals. In this world he gets by far the larger part
of his life training, and through the eyes of this dark world he peers into
the veiled world beyond. Who guides and determines the education which he receives
in his world? His teachers here are the group-leaders of the Negro people — the
physicians and clergymen, the trained fathers and mothers, the influential
and forceful men about him of all kinds; here it is, if at all, that the culture
of the surrounding world trickles through and is handed on by the graduates
of the higher schools. Can such culture training of group leaders be neglected?
Can we afford to ignore it? Do you think that if the leaders of thought among
Negroes are not trained and educated thinkers, that they will have no leaders?
On the contrary a hundred half-trained demagogues will still hold the places
they so largely occupy now, and hundreds of vociferous busy-bodies will multiply.
You have no choice; either you must help furnish this race from within its
own ranks with thoughtful men of trained leadership, or you must suffer the
evil consequences of a headless misguided rabble.
I am an earnest advocate of manual training and trade teaching for black boys,
and for white boys, too. I believe that next to the founding of Negro colleges
the most valuable addition to Negro education since the war, has been industrial
training for black boys. Nevertheless, I insist that the object of all true
education is not to make men carpenters, it is to make carpenters men; there
are two means of making the carpenter a man, each equally important: the first
is to give the group and community in which he works, liberally trained teachers
and leaders to teach him and his family what life means; the second is to give
him sufficient intelligence and technical skill to make him an efficient workman;
the first object demands the Negro college and college-bred men — not
a quantity of such colleges, but a few of excellent quality; not too many college-bred
men, but enough to leaven the lump, to inspire the masses, to raise the Talented
Tenth to leadership; the second object demands a good system of common schools,
well-taught, conveniently located and properly equipped.
The Sixth Atlanta Conference truly said in 1901:
"We call the attention of the Nation to the fact that less than one million
of the three million Negro children of school age, are at present regularly
attending school, and these attend a session which lasts only a few months.
"We are to-day deliberately rearing millions of our citizens in ignorance,
and at the same time limiting the rights of citizenship by educational qualifications.
This is unjust. Half the black youth of the land have no opportunities open
to them for learning to read, write and cipher. In the discussion as to the
proper training of Negro children after they leave the public schools, we have
forgotten that they are not yet decently provided with public schools.
"Propositions are beginning to be made in the South to reduce the already
meagre school facilities of Negroes. We congratulate the South on resisting,
as much as it has, this pressure, and on the many millions it has spent on
Negro education. But it is only fair to point out that Negro taxes and the
Negroes’ share of the income from indirect taxes and endowments have
fully repaid this expenditure, so that the Negro public school system has not
in all probability cost the white taxpayers a single cent since the war.
"This is not fair. Negro schools should be a public burden, since they
are a public benefit. The Negro has a right to demand good common school training
at the hands of the States and the Nation since by their fault he is not in
position to pay for this himself."
What is the chief need for the building up of the Negro public school in the
South? The Negro race in the South needs teachers to-day above all else. This
is the concurrent testimony of all who know the situation. For the supply of
this great demand two things are needed - institutions of higher education
and money for school houses and salaries. It is usually assumed that a hundred
or more institutions for Negro training are to-day turning out so many teachers
and college-bred men that the race is threatened with an over-supply. This
is sheer nonsense. There are to-day less than 3,000 living Negro college graduates
in the United States, and less than 1,000 Negroes in college. Moreover, in
the 164 schools for Negroes, 95 percent. of their students are doing elementary
and secondary work, work which should be done in the public schools. Over half
the remaining 2,157 students are taking high school studies. The mass of so-called "normal" schools
for the Negro, are simply doing elementary common school work, or, at most,
high school work, with a little instruction in methods. The Negro colleges
and the post-graduate courses at other institutions are the only agencies for
the broader and more careful training of teachers. The work of these institutions
is hampered for lack of funds. It is getting increasingly difficult to get
funds for training teachers in the best modern methods, and yet all over the
South, from State Superintendents, county officials, city boards and school
principals comes the wail, "We need TEACHERS!" and teachers must
be trained. As the fairest minded of all white Southerners, Atticus G. Haygood,
once said: "The defects of colored teachers are so great as to create
an urgent necessity for training better ones. Their excellencies and their
successes are sufficient to justify the best hopes of success in the effort,
and to vindicate the judgment of those who make large investments of money
and service, to give to colored students opportunity for thoroughly preparing
themselves for the work of teaching children of their people."
The truth of this has been strikingly shown in the marked improvement of white
teachers in the South. Twenty years ago the rank and file of white public school
teachers were not as good as the Negro teachers. But they, by scholarships
and good salaries, have been encouraged to thorough normal and collegiate preparation,
while the Negro teachers have been discouraged by starvation wages and the
idea that any training will do for a black teacher. If carpenters are needed
it is well and good to train men as carpenters. But to train men as carpenters,
and then set them to teaching is wasteful and criminal; and to train men as
teachers and then refuse them living wages, unless they become carpenters,
is rank nonsense.
The United States Commissioner of Education says in his report for 1900: "For
comparison between the white and colored enrollment in secondary and higher
education, I have added together the enrollment in high schools and secondary
schools, with the attendance on colleges and universities, not being sure of
the actual grade of work done in the colleges and universities. The work done
in the secondary schools is reported in such detail in this office, that there
can be no doubt of its grade."
He then makes the following comparisons of persons in every million enrolled
in secondary and higher education: Whole Country. Negroes. 1880 4,362 1,289
1900 10,743 2,061
And he concludes: "While the number in colored high schools and colleges
had increased somewhat faster than the population, it had not kept pace with
the average of the whole country, for it had fallen from 30 per cent. to 24
per cent. of the average quota. Of all colored pupils, one (1) in one hundred
was engaged in secondary and higher work, and that ratio has continued substantially
for the past twenty years. If the ratio of colored population in secondary
and higher education is to be equal to the average for the whole country, it
must be increased to five times its present average." And if this be true
of the secondary and higher education, it is safe to say that the Negro has
not one-tenth his quota in college studies. How baseless, therefore, is the
charge of too much training! We need Negro teachers for the Negro common schools,
and we need first-class normal schools and colleges to train them. This is
the work of higher Negro education and it must be done.
Further than this, after being provided with group leaders of civilization,
and a foundation of intelligence in the public schools, the carpenter, in order
to be a man, needs technical skill. This calls for trade schools. Now trade
schools are not nearly such simple things as people once thought. The original
idea was that the "Industrial" school was to furnish education, practically
free, to those willing to work for it; it was to "do" things — i.e.:
become a center of productive industry, it was to be partially, if not wholly,
self-supporting, and it was to teach trades. Admirable as were some of the
ideas underlying this scheme, the whole thing simply would not work in practice;
it was found that if you were to use time and material to teach trades thoroughly,
you could not at the same time keep the industries on a commercial basis and
make them pay. Many schools started out to do this on a large scale and went
into virtual bankruptcy. Moreover, it was found also that it was possible to
teach a boy a trade mechanically, without giving him the full educative benefit
of the process, and, vice versa, that there was a distinctive educative value
in teaching a boy to use his hands and eyes in carrying out certain physical
processes, even though he did not actually learn a trade. It has happened,
therefore, in the last decade, that a noticeable change has come over the industrial
schools. In the first place the idea of commercially remunerative industry
in a school is being pushed rapidly to the background. There are still schools
with shops and farms that bring an income, and schools that use student labor
partially for the erection of their buildings and the furnishing of equipment.
It is coming to be seen, however, in the education of the Negro, as clearly
as it has been seen in the education of the youths the world over, that it
is the boy and not the material product, that is the true object of education.
Consequently the object of the industrial school came to be the thorough training
of boys regardless of the cost of the training, so long as it was thoroughly
well done.
Even at this point, however, the difficulties were not surmounted. In the
first place modern industry has taken great strides since the war, and the
teaching of trades is no longer a simple matter. Machinery and long processes
of work have greatly changed the work of the carpenter, the ironworker and
the shoemaker. A really efficient workman must be to-day an intelligent man
who has had good technical training in addition to thorough common school,
and perhaps even higher training. To meet this situation the industrial schools
began a further development; they established distinct Trade Schools for the
thorough training of better class artisans, and at the same time they sought
to preserve for the purposes of general education, such of the simpler processes
of elementary trade learning as were best suited therefor. In this differentiation
of the Trade School and manual training, the best of the industrial schools
simply followed the plain trend of the present educational epoch. A prominent
educator tells us that, in Sweden, "In the beginning the economic conception
was generally adopted, and everywhere manual training was looked upon as a
means of preparing the children of the common people to earn their living.
But gradually it came to be recognized that manual training has a more elevated
purpose, and one, indeed, more useful in the deeper meaning of the term. It
came to be considered as an educative process for the complete moral, physical
and intellectual development of the child."
Thus, again, in the manning of trade schools and manual training schools we
are thrown back upon the higher training as its source and chief support. There
was a time when any aged and wornout carpenter could teach in a trade school.
But not so to-day. Indeed the demand for college-bred men by a school like
Tuskegee, ought to make Mr. Booker T. Washington the firmest friend of higher
training. Here he has as helpers the son of a Negro senator, trained in Greek
and the humanities, and graduated at Harvard; the son of a Negro congressman
and lawyer, trained in Latin and mathematics, and graduated at Oberlin; he
has as his wife, a woman who read Virgil and Homer in the same class room with
me; he has as college chaplain, a classical graduate of Atlanta University;
as teacher of science, a graduate of Fisk; as teacher of history, a graduate
of Smith, — indeed some thirty of his chief teachers are college graduates,
and instead of studying French grammars in the midst of weeds, or buying pianos
for dirty cabins, they are at Mr. Washington’s right hand helping him
in a noble work. And yet one of the effects of Mr. Washington’s propaganda
has been to throw doubt upon the expediency of such training for Negroes, as
these persons have had.
Men of America, the problem is plain before you. Here is a race transplanted
through the criminal foolishness of your fathers. Whether you like it or not
the millions are here, and here they will remain. If you do not lift them up,
they will pull you down. Education and work are the levers to uplift a people.
Work alone will not do it unless inspired by the right ideals and guided by
intelligence. Education must not simply teach work — it must teach Life.
The Talented Tenth of the Negro race must be made leaders of thought and missionaries
of culture among their people. No others can do this work and Negro colleges
must train men for it. The Negro race, like all other races, is going to be
saved by its exceptional men.
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